During
the waning days of the Internet bubble, sitting with my card buddies
playing poker at one of our homes, in conversation between hands
I’d give a short lecture on macroeconomics and precious
metals. I did this even though my sister’s pet
rabbit Barry
has more interest in either topic. The banter at our games
relates more to anatomy than economics. A beery poker game
might
seem like an odd place to wax philosophical on commodities investing,
especially early in the year 2000 when everyone was fixated on the
price of Nortel, Cisco and Lucent stock. But
there’s a
method to my apparent madness.
On the other end of the scale of interest and aptitude in economics and
finance, I spent 40 minutes talking to Intel Chairman Craig Barrett on
the same topic in 2002 and got an animated response.
I’ve
talked to hundreds of people, from CEOs of public and private
companies, to investment bankers from London to Tokyo to NYC, to
venture capitalists from California to Finland to Boston. I
talk
to the neighbors. I talk to old friends from
college. A
thousand informal conversations are surveys taken frequently over long
periods of time with a wide range of subjects in all kinds of
places. Then there
are the "deep throats,"
from Wall Street investment bankers to central bankers in foreign
lands, who write in to iTulip.com with key bits of information, their
identities always kept in confidence. By this
method I collect information
needed to develop my observations of events and hope to make relatively
accurate predictions based on them.
We're all
Rich!
The exception in our poker group – I’ll call him
Ralph
– made his living during the stock bubble era as a personal
financial advisor. At the time that meant someone who
repeated
the financial services firms’ sales pitch de jour aimed at
middle
class investors: “Buy and hold our stock mutual
fund.
Stocks go up.” Hardly anyone believes that
about stocks anymore,
but the seed of the magical belief that there exists a kind of asset
that only rises in value was quickly passed on to real estate
“investors” where it took root and grew in many
regions
around the nation like kudzu in a Georgia swamp in July.
In 2000, hedge funds numbered 3,000 with less than $500 billion
in total capital. Although they managed a lot more money in
aggregate than venture capital funds, they were dwarfed in prestige and
visibility by the VC funds that got all of the attention
during
the stock market bubble. Wall Street was helping VCs produce
billions of dollars through initial public offerings of profitless
companies and recycle the money back into venture funds and out again
via new IPOs. The public nature of this game got the VCs a
lot of
press, was called "public venture capital" for a brief period during
the so-called "New Era." Meanwhile the hedge fund manager
“toiled,” if that’s the word, in his
garden in
relative obscurity.
The IPO financing system had been cultivated over many decades as a
disciplined institution for pricing profitable companies in the market.
Given the
horrific abuse of that system during that period,
is it any wonder that six years after the dot com crash the IPO machine
is still broken in the U.S.? As Robert Reno said after the
1987
crash, “Nobody who has ever been on a falling elevator and
survived ever approaches such a conveyance without a fundamentally
reduced degree of confidence.”
Venture capital investing collapsed from its peak of $95 billion in
2000 to $19 billion in 2003, nearly back to where it was in 1998 when
iTulip.com caught its first whiff of the blossoming tulip mania that
was soon to overtake the tech stock markets. iTulip.com was
founded as a cautionary tour guide.
For a few years following the crash in the market for venture-backed
companies, private and institutional investors stayed away from venture
capital funds in droves. In 2002, VC funds raised just $3.9
billion and placed only $21.8 billion in high tech start-ups.
That’s less than 20% of the $105 billion in new funds that VC
firms raised in the year 2000 alone. This delta between money
available for investment and money invested came known at the time as
the “VC overhang” because that sounds better than
“VC
hangover.”
[As a quick aside, during that darkest, foulest period in that downturn
in VC funding, from 2001 to 2003, yours truly was out raising VC as CEO
of wireless security start-up Bluesocket. Although the effort
appeared hopeless, I and every other CEO in my position at the time was
compelled to succeed because failure meant sending scores of great and
brilliant people out into a dead job market with all their hard work
lost. After more than 150 VC meetings – I lost
count --
with more than 80 VCs, the company got funded. Satisfying,
but
not the kind of experience a sensible person repeats.]
Private equity investors were slow to get back into VC funds while the
scent of rot hung over them after the crash, but hedge funds came out smelling like roses, budding just as the rate cut and tax
cut induced spring arrived. Hedge funds were ideally
positioned
to take part of the torrent of post stock bubble collapse liquidity
that poured out of the Fed to water the economy, parched after the
collapse of the stock bubble. The liquidity pooled around the
hedge fund rose bushes and real estate kudzu. Reassuring
words
from Fed mouthpieces aimed at all markets bathed the real estate kudzu
and hedge fund rose farms in the warm glow of official
confidence. They gew like crazy.
The number of hedge funds increased 300% from 3,000 in 2000 to over
9,000 today and manage over a $1 trillion versus $500 billion in 2000. As for real
estate,
one measure of growth is that California alone added 113,307 licensed
real estate agents since July 2000. The total number of RE agents in California
is now 427,389 or 1.9% of the total working population of
California. Two out of every 100 employed people in
California is
a real estate broker.
A Tale of Two
Classes of "Wealth"
As a result, today you can’t throw a beer can out the window
without hitting a real estate agent or hedge fund manager, each
representing the farmers of two classes of “wealth”
holders
that now dominate the poles of the bifurcated U.S. economy.
One, the indebted middle class so-called
“home-owner” owns less of his home and
owes more
to his bank than ever (here at iTulip.com we call him a
“bank-ower”). Two, the top 5% who own
most of the
financial assets. The differences between the two groups
existed
before the bubble collapased and intensified as a result of Fed
monetary policy and government tax policy intervention after the stock
market bubble collapsed, as we can see in the following four charts.
The first shows how the rich got richer: the share of capital income
(money made from money versus economic activity) earned by
top 1%
and bottom 80%, 1979-2003.
Source:
Shapiro & Friedman, 2006
The second chart shows what happened to mean and median income of wage
earners during the period: it went down.
The third chart shows what happened to mean and median net worth of
households during the period -- down.
The fourth and final chart shows what the median household did for cash
to compensate for loss of wage income.
Source:
Northern Trust
The American middle class is compensating for loss of income by
increasing their debt load with credit card debt and home
equity extraction.
Banks and credit card companies have been glad to oblige, as credit
cards and fees on home re-financings are the most profitable of all
credit products and bank transactions.
In the early days of researching for iTulip.com, one of the surprising
discoveries was the large numbers of very wealthy around during The
Great Depression as the dust bowl blew and millions of poor waited in
soup lines. Text
books in
U.S. schools teach that The Great Depression made everyone poor.
In
fact, deflation made a number of people very rich. Not to say
that many who made fortunes during the boom did not lose a lot of money after the crash;
many
did, but those who played it well made money during the bubble
and
preserved it by storing their wealth as cash in the bank, which at the
time meant gold. During the deflation that followed the
collapse
of the credit system, then nearly completely dependent on the banking
system, the purchasing power of this hoarded cash increased.
In
this way, the rich got richer.
There was a lot of money in
the
bank, but little in circulation. Meanwhile, the average wage
earner had no access to credit and with unemployment running at 25% and
no employment insurance, little or no income.
We’ve
all heard the stories. A
friend’s parents reported literally breaking up the furniture
to
heat their home in the winter. The Fed lowered interest rates
and
tried to get the banks to lend, but the
problem was more political than economic. Politically, there
wasn't much the Fed could do to solve the problem of getting wealth
holders to put their hoarded cash back into circulation. The
stock market and credit collapse was keeping them from doing so much
the way the collapse of the dot com bubble kept investors away from
venture funds for years. Who could blame them?
Still, they did have money and they spent it, but not in a way that was
much help to the economy. Symbolic of the wealth disparity,
the
most ostentatious cars of the age -- the modern equivalent of
today’s Super Cars -- were designed and sold in the depths of
The
Great Depression. It was an era of soup lines and super cars.
The post-bust period that has followed the 1990s stock and credit
bubbles shares one characteristic in common with the bust that followed
the 1920s boom. The yawning wealth disparity created during
the
bubble period has grown following policy efforts to soften the impact
of the downturn following the 2000 bubble's collapse. The
difference is that this time the credit system not only continued to
function but, as it is no longer dependent on the banking system and is
in fact more or less out of its control, the credit system went into
hyperdrive.
It has served to compensate the middle
class' loss in income but also to provide billions for leverage in the
private equity markets. This era’s post bubble bust
“poor” are poor only on paper.
They have few
assets net of liabilities and a lot of debt, but they still have their
homes and lots of consumer goods, and in fact continue to pile them on,
on the assumption that access to credit will continue as far as the eye
can see. (This is in fact what consumer confidence is
actually
measuring today, expectations of future access to credit.)
Today
we don’t have soup lines but we do have millions of middle
class
households who have been breaking up the household financial assets
“furniture,” so to speak, by selling the equity in
their
homes and consuming their credit to maintain the standard of living to
which they have become accustomed.
The Die is
Cast
Where is all of this headed? The
Fed maintains that all is well, but the FDIC is starting to worry out
loud what the next recession might look like, given these circumstances:
| The risk
of a housing slowdown is another area of concern going forward. The
recent housing boom has been unprecedented in modern U.S. history.2
It has been suggested by many analysts that the housing boom has been a
significant contributor to gains in consumer spending in recent years.
Indeed, a number of the FDIC roundtable panelists pointed to the
apparent connection between rising real estate wealth during the past
four years and the sustained strength in consumer spending during that
period. Because consumer spending accounts for over two-thirds of U.S.
economic activity, any shock to consumer spending, such as that which
might be caused by a housing slowdown, is a concern to overall economic
growth.
It is very likely that housing wealth has been a
significant factor behind growth in consumer spending. Through the use
of cash-out refinancing, increased mortgage balances, and greater use
of home equity lines of credit, as well as through owners selling homes
outright and cashing in on their accumulated equity, it is estimated
that anywhere from $444 billion to $600 billion was liquidated from
housing wealth during 2005.3
Whichever estimate one uses, the total almost surely eclipses the $375
billion gain in after-tax income for the year. While probably not all
of the home equity liquidated during 2005 fed consumption spending
(much of it was invested into other assets, including second or
vacation homes), these statistics illustrate how important home equity
has become as a source of household liquidity.
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No
one knows for sure what might happen during the next recession, but
here’s a scenario. Let’s say there is a
crisis that
causes a sudden drop in consumers' access to credit and a corresponding
decline in demand. A U.S. war with Iran and sympathetic
withholding of oil by Venezuela that causes a spike in the price of oil
to $200 a barrel would do it. Interest rates will rise and
credit
will tighten, reducing the flow of credit to the median household that
has come to rely on it to compensate for loss of wage income.
We’d then have a situation not unlike the early
1930s, with
an economy comprised of a few million rich unable to generate
sufficient demand in the economy to employ several hundred million
without access to the credit they use to pay the bills.
When FDR took over in 1933, he had a similar problem.
Thousands
of very rich buying super cars cannot generate enough demand to employ
millions of workers. The problem was not unique to the U.S.
but
was global, just as housing and other related credit bubbles today are
not unique to the U.S. Both eras’ stock market and
credit
bubbles produced wealth inequality. The economic
crisis that
followed turned this inequality into a political nightmare.
The
way it was addressed in parts of Europe was the wholesale
redistribution of wealth in Communist movements. There was a
period in the early 1930s when many were convinced that a Communist
movement was all but inevitable in the U.S. In his memiors,
Alistair Cooke noted that he came to the U.S. from the UK to cover
the Communist
revolution that was at hand, seeing
this as a once in a lifetime career opportunity for a young journalist.
Political developments overseas made FDR’s solution an easier
sell to the wealthy elite in the U.S. when he came into
office.
The U.S. president that follows the administration that follows the
Bush II administration, take note.
FDR offered the top 1% in American society a better option than
Communism: "Turn in your gold and the government we will pay you in
currency which we will then inflate. The impact will be that
your
money will be put back into circulation to get the economy moving and
we’ll get the banking system working again.
Everyone wins,
and it’s a better deal than the creditor class is getting in,
say, Hungary. This will cost you only 30% of the purchasing
power
of your wealth."
Most responded by voluntarily turning in their gold to the government
in exchange for currency. To take care of
stragglers, Executive Order 6102 was issued in April 1933
(repealed in 1975), making private gold ownership illegal in the
U.S. This law was intended to keep bankers from
cutting
deals with their wealthy clients. Once the government had the
gold, they marked it up from $20 to $35 an ounce. At once, a
30%
inflation occurred to halt the deflation that had been crippling the
economy.
Asset bubbles create wealth inequality as only the top income brackets
tend to benefit. Post bubble policies to manage the
aftermath,
one way or another, tend to intensify these disparities. A
secondary crisis that results from the effort to manage the initial
post-bubble crisis can be resolved by the politically expedient of
redistribution of wealth via inflation. I have no reason to
believe that a future crisis, if one occurs, will not be resolved by
similar means.
Back to our card game. In 2001 when gold fell into the mid
200s,
silver was below $5 and platinum well below $500, I told the guys I was
buying. Our financial advisor Ralph shook his head and told
me
PMs are out-of-date and certain to decline another 50% over the next
few years. He adhered to the stocks-go-up theory to the
bitter
end. Later, in 2001, he said they were coming back
-- you
know, Nortel, Lucent, Cisco, and so on. Any day now.
In
September of that year I
published the one and only piece I ever wrote on gold.
When I was predicting inflation as an outcome of the crash in the stock
market bubble in 2000, reporter Ross Kerber of the Boston Globe said in an article on iTulip.com in 2002
that my prediction was incorrect so far. He
was right, at the time. My prediction in 2002 of the result
of
the decline of the housing bubbles? More inflation.
The
problem with making these kinds of long term predictions is they take
many years to play out. But as far as I'm concerned, the die was cast
in 1996 when Greenspan noted the stock market bubble but decided for
reasons historians will debate for decades to allow it to grow to
outrageous proportions. Now the Fed is on a liquidity
treadmill
-- they have to keep The System going -- and any random exogenous event
that may occur only raises inflation risks. Since
2001, the best return on risk has been to buy assets that hedge
inflation.
The fortunes of the real estate farmers are starting to shrink as kudzu
for sale reaches its nadir for the cycle. Hedge funds started
to
see their returns fall off in 2005 and have been placing inceasingly
risky bets in order to maintain returns. Maybe the Fed has
built
a better mouse trap and the secondary bubbles
in real estate and other assets that formed as a result of policy
actions to mitigate the impact of the collapse of the stock bubble will
this time end with a wimper not a bang. Still, taking out
some
insurance against the possibility of an inflationary result is wise.
Discuss
this...
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