What was Roosevelt's "New Deal"?
First, it was a unique moment in American political history. Usually American politics is the politics of gridlock. James Madison and company constructed the American political system so that it would be broken by design: maneuvering programs and policies through several layers of committees, two legislative houses, past the president, and into execution is very complex, and overwhelming procedural obstacles can be erected by determined opponents at almost every step along the path. Legislative majorities for one party or the other in either house of the legislature are almost always small. American is governed by increments, from the center. Between 1900 and 1950 there were times when one party had a solid majority in the House, but its majority in the Senate then was small.
The elections of the 1930s were different. Roosevelt won 59 percent of the vote in 1932--an eighteen percentage-point margin over Herbert Hoover. Congress swung heavily Democratic in both houses. The 1930s would see Democratic political dominance in the congress to an extent never before seen since the Civil War. For the first and only time, the president and his party had unshakable working majorities in both houses of the legislature.
But the new majority in congress had no idea what it was to do. It was looking for direction from the newly-elected president: whatever Roosevelt sent down, the congress would probably pass.
Roosevelt had no idea what he was to do, either. But he did have a conviction that he could do something important. So was born the strategy of the New Deal: try everything you can think of to cure the depression; drop and abandon the things that do not seem to be working; push the things that do seem to be working. And the important thing was action to change how America worked for two reasons. First because action would raise hopes, and as Roosevelt said in his inaugural address:
Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror.
Second because the old way of doing things was clearly broken:
We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.... The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.
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Also on May 18, President Roosevelt submitted to congress the center-piece of his first hundred days: the National Industrial Recovery Act, or NIRA.
- Businesses won the ability to collude--to draft "codes of conduct" that would make it easy to maintain relatively high prices, and to "plan" to match captacity to demand.
- Socialist-leaning planners won the requirement that the government--the National Recovery Administration, or NRA--approve the industry-drafted plans.
- Labor won the right to collective bargaining, and the right to have minimum wages and maximum hours incorporated into the industry-level plans.
- Spenders won some $3.3 billion in public works.
But what did it all add up to? The NIRA broke the back of expectations of future deflation. The creation of deposit insurance and the reform of the banking system made savers willing to trust their money to the banks again, and began the reexpansion of the money supply. Corporatism and farm subsidies spread the pain of the Great Depression to some extent. These three policy moves kept things from getting worse, and probably made things somewhat better.
But the rest of Roosevelt's "hundred days"? It is not clear whether the balance sheet of the rest of the hundred days is positive or negative. The "economy" bill that cut spending and relief did harm. Much of financial market regulation (save deposit insurance) was simply irrelevant to the Great Depression. Farm subsidies set the American government on a path that would prove expensive and counterproductive for the next sixty years.
More important, perhaps, people relatively soon decided that they did not like the combination of "corporatist" government-business cooperation and business collusion embodied in the NRA. Consumers complained that the NRA raised prices. Workers complained that it gave them insufficient voice. Businessmen complained that the government was telling them what to do. Progressives complained that the NRA created monopoly. Spenders worried that collusion among businesses raised prices, reduced production, and increased unemployment. A committee to study the NRA headed by progressive lawyer Clarence Darrow denounced the NRA for promoting monopoly, urged a return to free competition, and then for good measure denounced competition as "savage and wolfish" and called for socialism: government nationalization of industry.
In May 1935 the Supreme Court unanimously declared the NIRA and its implementing agency, the NRA, unconstitutional. Roosevelt's experiment with "corporatism"--which crusty Democrats like Senator Carter Glass denounced as "the utterly dangerous effort of the federal government at Washington to transplant Hitlerism to every corner of this nation" was over. It was not success.
By the end of 1933 Roosevelt had shifted his attention to monetary matters: recovery was to be promoted by raising the prices of commodities in dollars, and the prices of commodities in dollars were to be raised by devaluing the dollar in terms of gold. By the end of January 1934 Roosevelt fixed the value of the dollar at 1/35 of a (troy) ounce of gold, fifty-nine percent of its pre-1933 gold-standard parity. But the full-fledged policy of monetary inflation and mammoth fiscal deficits that might have pulled the country out of the Great Depression quickly--that did pull Germany under Hitler out of the Great Depression quickly--was not tried. 1934 was a better economic year than 1933, 1935 was better than 1934, and 1936 was better than 1935, but not by much.
The slide in which each year was worse than the one before had been ended by the Depression. Some ground had been regained. But happy days were not here again.
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Winners and Losers from the Depression:
Workers who kept their jobs, even with reduced hours, and financiers whose money was invested in bonds prospered during the Depression. Their nominal incomes in dollars dropped, but prices dropped even more: the baskets of goods they could buy increased. Farmers, workers who lost their jobs, and entrepreneurs who had bet their money on continued prosperity were the big losers of the Depression. Production was a third less than normal and the distribution of income had shifted toward those who kept steady employment or who had invested their financial wealth conservatively. As a result, at the nadir the standard of living of losers taken all together was perhaps half of what it had been in 1929.
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