Very briefly, the broad propositions of Chartalism are:
The atomistic view of money emerging as a medium of exchange to minimize transaction costs of barter between utility-maximizing individuals finds no support in the historical record.
The appropriate context for the study of money is cultural and institutional, with special emphasis on social and political considerations.
Consequently, Chartalists locate the origins of money in the public sector, however broadly defined.
In its very nature money is a social relation of a particular kind—it is a credit-debt relationship.
Chartalism offers a stratified view of social debt relationships where definitive money (the liability of the ruling body) sits at the top of the hierarchy.
Money functions, first and foremost, as an abstract unit of account, which is then used as a means of payment and the settling of debt. Silver, paper, gold or whatever ‘thing’ serves as a medium of exchange is only the empirical manifestation of what is essentially a state-administered unit of account. Thus, the function of money as a medium of exchange is incidental to and contingent on its first two functions as a unit of account and a means of payment.
From here, as Ingham aptly put it, ‘Money of account is logically anterior and historically prior to the market’ (2004a: p. 181).
Neo-Chartalism: The Specific Propositions
The recent revival of the Chartalist tradition, also dubbed Neo-Chartalism, Tax-Driven Money, or Modern Money approach is particularly concerned with understanding modern currencies. Thus, contemporary Chartalists advance several specific propositions about money in the modern world:
1. Modern currencies exist within the context of certain state powers. The two essential powers are:
a. the power to levy taxes on its subjects, and
b. the power to declare what it will accept in payment of taxes.
2. Thus, the state delimits money to be that which will be accepted at government pay-offices for extinguishing debt to the state.
3. The purpose of taxation is not to finance government spending but to create demand for the currency – hence the term ‘tax-driven money.’
4. Logically, and in practice, government spending comes prior to taxation, to provide that which is necessary to pay taxes.
5. In the modern world, states usually have monopoly power over the issue of their currency. States with sovereign control over their currencies (i.e. which do not operate under the restrictions of fixed exchange rates, dollarization, monetary unions or currency boards) do not face any operational financial constraints (although they may face political constraints).[2]
6. Nations that issue their own currency have no imperative to borrow or tax to finance spending. While taxes create demand for the currency, borrowing is an ex ante interest rate maintenance operation. This leads to dramatically different policy conclusions.
7. As a monopolist over its currency, the state also has the power to set prices, which include both the interest rate and how the currency exchanges for other goods and services.
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