The question is, will the correlation hold again or has the economy fundamentally changed?
I argue in an article in the current month’s
Harvard Business Review Selling to the Debt-Averse Consumer that the economy has changed, that the debt overhang of the FIRE Economy will change consumption patterns for a generation. I make a recommendation to consumer products companies about how to address this shift that long time iTulip readers are familiar with.
Incentive dependent consumption
What are auto makers doing by way of incentives to maintain even this awful level of sales volume? Are they able to do so profitably? As we have pointed out before, we cannot have a sustained economic recovery without profits.
RECORD AUTO INCENTIVES
Automakers also have been plying record incentives in the form of cash or special financing to press customer traffic into dealerships, making it more difficult to determine the long-term demand for vehicles.
Edmunds called the month the most expensive June on record, with the average U.S. incentive at $2,930 per vehicle sold, up 20 percent from a year earlier. Edmunds expects incentives to fall as production cuts in recent months pare inventories.
Ford’s profit margin is -12.66% and Operating Margin is -5.49%. Hard to imagine how increasing incentives by 20% will improve on that. Input costs, such as payroll, are not down 20%.
"June incentives have never been higher, but we anticipate that the tide is about to turn," Edmunds executive director of industry analysis, Jesse Toprak, said in a statement.
What is the basis of this assertion? None are provided. That's hopeful reporting. The reporter's editor likely insisted on at least one of these throw away hopeful sounding lines from an industry expert.
Rising incentives that reduce profits result in less investment in future product. That reduces future competitiveness. Less competitiveness means a greater need for more incentives in the future. An auto company caught in this death spiral had better not be counting on a quick economic recovery to pull out of it, and we do not see one coming.
Spring 1930 versus Summer 2009
This period reminds us of the spring of 1930. The following was compiled in 2001 by
futurecasts.com from articles published in the
New York Times in 1930, re-posted by us with
checks and minuses to denote similarities and differences.
There were great expectations of a quick business revival in the spring of 1930 (green shoots, check). Credit was ample and available at low rates (check). Bank rates had been cut sharply by the Federal Reserve Bank and all the major European national banks (check). Private interest rates had been cut even faster and sharper as people with money found it increasingly difficult to profitably employ it. Not only were business risks rising, the profit inducement to borrow was clearly declining, making the availability of money at sharply declining interest rates increasingly irrelevant (check).
Governments responded to the crisis with substantial tax cuts and public works projects (check).
Auto manufacturers increased steel orders, as auto inventories were at last worked down (check). Railroads, responding to a plea from Pres. Hoover (Obama), accelerated steel rail buying and other planned maintenance and capital projects (today highways fulfill a similar role, check). Many other public utilities and major industries responded similarly (check).
Federal taxes were cut substantially and public works projects were accelerated (check). Steel production rebounded to 69% of capacity and continued climbing towards its usual March-April peak (minus).
The higher wheat prices, a rise in steel production to about 80% of capacity, revived auto production and sales, and the general revival of domestic economic activity, pushed stock market prices higher (minus). April auto production of 467,000 units was better than any April save April, 1929 - but the revival in auto production would probably have been about 40,000 units higher that month but for the collapse of its export market (minus).
Total NYSE stocks reached just under $80 billion by April 10, 1930, making up about 73% of its losses since its September, 19, 1929 highs. The Big Board had surged about $30 billion in five months, a gain of about 65% (minus, still 40% below peak). Its loss from its September, 19, 1929 highs, was just about 12%. Bond prices were running above 1929 levels, and bond financing was now running at 10 times the rate of stock flotation - reversing the tendency in 1929.
The securities markets had staged a nearly complete recovery by any measure, and, despite weak spots, the domestic economy was doing well. But brokers loans were rising sharply, indicating the speculative nature of much of the recovery (check and minus, not a complete recovery but lack of earnings and other factors are evidence that speculation is driving it).
However, the revival was fatally flawed.
In spite of heavy Farm Board purchases, the price index for all commodities had already plummeted to the lowest levels since 1916 (check and minus, did plummet but recovered half way in response to massive global central bank liquidity). The Farm Board now controlled about 1/3rd of the total visible domestic wheat supply (check, the government now controls most of the U.S. auto industry).
Along with the sharp drop in agricultural exports, there was a 46% drop in auto exports for the first quarter of 1930. Exports were a very important factor for the auto industry. They had accounted for about 20% of total sales (minus, the U.S. is a net importer of autos).
Railroad car loadings remained at the lowest levels since 1922 - obviously heavily impacted by the downturns in agriculture and auto exports (check). U.S. foreign trade was now running 23% below 1929 levels - about half consisting in price cuts and half in volume cuts. It was now running below 1928 levels as well (check). First quarter earnings were disappointing, especially when compared with the earnings of the booming first quarter of 1929 (check).
And so on. You get the idea. On to the detailed comparisons.
Exports falling during the FIRE Economy Depression?
June 2009
Railroad traffic still declining?
June 2009
Speculation driving the stock market?
No two events of this type are alike. The similarities and differences show up in the data. What impresses us most is how unimpressed many appear to be about the seriousness of this depression. They ask why many restaurants are still booked up and why many malls are still busy, even if apparently the shoppers in them are buying less. Where are soup lines? Where is the high crime rate?
We remind them that we are only one year in to a multi-year process.
The average man or woman does not change his or her behavior until years after an economy has changed around them. No one likes change, even positive change but especially negative change. The tendency is to ignore change as long as possible, and hope it goes away and "normalcy" returns. Meanwhile, change goes on.
This depression is transforming the world around us. If you don't think so, I encourage you to take a closer look. On the surface much appears to be the same as, say, two years ago, but under the surface much has changed and is changing--shifting relationships among friends, families, and colleagues. Changes in circumstances affect the range of choices people can make. They make different decisions than before. Different decisions produce different results. Those results impact someone else's decisions. Collections of decisions combine in unexpected ways. One of the most obvious is that consumers buy less as a sustained reduction income and wealth influences purchasing decisions. As they do, after a lag, they will find that they have less to buy because retailers, wholesalers, and manufacturers eventually respond by consolidating or going out of business.
The economy has changed, behavior follows
The Great Depression is taught in American schools as a market crash on a Monday in October 1929 with soup lines forming shortly thereafter. Blurred-over are years of failed trial and error policies by politicians who desperately wanted to undo the damage caused by the preceding decade of credit excess. But as time went on, the damage that started off as abstract data on defaults, output, debt, and incomes began to show up unmistakably in the physiognomy of the economy. The world began to look depressed. That itself will later to have consequences, feeding back into changes in behavior.
To get a street level view of this process, I brought my camera with me on my latest bike ride into Boston from the western suburbs where I live. On the usually pristine Minuteman Bike Trail that I ride on as far as Arlington, not seen on previous trips over the past ten years are now: graffiti, piles of burned trash, groups of teenagers hanging out, and police cars parked on the side of the trail. When their parents are struggling with bills and unemployment, teenage kids tend to take it out on the local neighborhood.
Riding down Newbury Street, Boston’s posh shopping district, I took 15 pictures of retailers that had gone out of business, eight of them side by side. So desirable is the location that even during the 1980s recessions a single vacant Newbury Street shop was a rare sight.
Here they are in a collage, a visualization of the graph from the St. Louis Federal Reserve web site that shows PCE falling at the end of 2007, reflected in conditions on an upscale street of a major U.S. city 18 months later.
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